In terms of my position, I am a Helsinki-based researcher-artist who also works as a folk music teacher. The roots of my family are in Finland, more specifically in North Savo and South Karelia. I have studied and worked with Bulgarian singing in Bulgaria for various periods since 2007. I completed part of my master's degree as an ERASMUS student at the Academy of Music, Dance and Visual Arts "Prof. Asen Diamandiev", Plovdiv in 2009 (later AMTII Plovdiv), when I was studying at the Sibelius Academy in the Folk Music Department. During my second master's degree at the University of Helsinki in 2016, I wrote a master's thesis that was based on ethnographic interviews and autoethnography, and investigated Bulgarian singing in Finland (Kujanpää 2016). Since then, my interest has focused on the combined use of arts-based and qualitative research methods.

Research in intersectional feminist pedagogy is particularly attentive to the construction of power and its identification in research and teaching contexts (Laukkanen and others 2018; Elonheimo and others 2022). Intersectional feminist pedagogy aims to identify and dismantle power positions by naming and identifying the social markers of difference, such as gender, age, class, nationality, and race. At the core of intersectional feminist pedagogy lies the dismantling of these power structures in practice (ibid.). The social markers of difference under consideration in this exposition relate to gender, age and economic situation. Furthermore, it is crucial to analyse and articulate the researcher's personal position, including within the research situation (Juvonen 2017).   

Questions of race and ethnicity have been central to intersectional, postcolonial, and feminist research and discourses over the past few decades (Crenshaw 1989; Hill Collins 2000; Lykke 2010; Lykke 2025). Studies examining the privileging of certain ethnic and gender groups – and the marginalisation and racialisation of others – also in relation to folk music practices have been conducted in both Finland (see, e.g., Mäkelä 2022) and Bulgaria (see, e.g., Todorova 2021). For instance, research into othering in Bulgarian folk music education shows that the teaching repertoire primarily consists of traditions performed by ethnic Bulgarians (Стоин 1981; Kujanpää 2016). In contrast, the folk music of the ethnic minorities of Bulgaria, such as Turks, Pomaks, Roma, Armenians, Vlachs, and Jews is generally excluded from the curricula of music schools and academies. As a result, these traditions continue to be transmitted orally within their respective communities (see, e.g., Микова 2022).

In Finland, conversations around race, nationality, and ethnicity have focused, for instance, on the 'Finlandisation' of Finno-Ugric language minorities during the nationalist movements of the 19th and 20th centuries (Haapoja-Mäkelä 2020), as well as on the othering and forced assimilation – or 'Finnicisation' – of Roma and Sámi peoples (see, e.g., Hoegaerts and others 2022). Over the past decade, cultural appropriation has also become a significant topic of debate in Finland. Pirita Näkkäläjärvi (2025) describes how some of the Sámi, for example, have expressed a preference for preserving their vocal traditions within their own communities, rather than having them taught in academic or school settings of musical education.

This exposition combines an application of autoethnographic and ethnographic research methods to analyse wider socio-cultural issues. Chang, Hernandez and Ngunjiri (2013) combined autoethnographic and ethnographic research methods into a collaborative autoethnography (CAE) approach. CAE highlights the collaborative nature of the methods and the broader perspective it allows on the research topic (ibid.). In most cases, CAE involves more than one researcher (Chang and others 2013; Mäkelä and others 2023), but in this exposition, I have assumed the roles of both the producer of artistic research material and the conductor of ethnographic research interviews. Through the application of collaborative autoethnography in this exposition, the critical dialogue between autobiographical artistic experiences and an ethnographic approach offers a broader analytical perspective on the transnational collaboration of women musicians. This perspective also enriches my own learning experience as a researcher-artist and teacher. 

One of the prominent researchers who has explored the methodology of art-based research (ABR) is Patricia Leavy (Leavy & Scott-Hoy 2009; Leavy 2018). Leavy (2018) argues that the application of art-based inquiry to qualitative methods can help identify the micro and macro contexts of research and how they intersect. Leavy further suggests that a convergence of art-based and qualitative methodologies can yield insights into the intricate dynamics of meaning-making and knowledge production. Another assertion by Leavy is that art-based research methodologies can facilitate the participation of individuals and groups from diverse genders and social minorities in the processes of knowledge production. In this exposition, rather than focus solely on my own artistic practice, I explore participatory research methodologies through including the thoughts of Bulgarian singers on transgenerationality and folk singing in the production of knowledge. In her study, Haapoja (2017) discusses the tacit knowledge that even partial inclusion in the research field provides to the researcher. Tacit knowledge also sensitises one to identify power structures in those micro and macro contexts mentioned by Leavy (2018). 

Steven Vertovec (2009) writes of transnational communities formed by networks of different groups across national borders. Transnationality is often associated with the interaction and mixing of cultures, and transnationality can be seen as contributing to the emergence of new cultural forms. The transnational activities and interactions of European folk singers can also be seen as a reflection of the EU's cultural policy goals, although they cannot be reduced to these. The strategic framework for the EU's cultural policy is part of its overall political strategy, and the priorities for 2019–2024 include 'promoting, protecting and strengthening democracy' and 'building a Union of equality where we all have equal access to opportunities' (European Commission 2025). The Russo-Ukrainian war has also caused polarisation in the field of folk singing in Europe, and, in this context, collaborative artistic projects between different nationalities and language groups should be seen as a way of reducing polarisation within Europe, as well as being part of grassroots activist movements that support peace, democracy and equality (Kujanpää, forthcoming).

Hämäläinen and others (2023) envision transnationality as part of an ongoing and eternal phenomenon of borrowing and assimilation between cultures. In all fields, between different artistic disciplines as well as between science and the arts, transnationality creates new styles and hybrids. Both Hill (2005, 2007) and Haapoja-Mäkelä (2020) have conducted research on the phenomenon of cultural appropriation in transnational Finnish folk music. The analysis by Hill (2005, 2007) examines the adoption of stylistic features of folk music from other countries by Finnish folk musicians and the processes of Finnicisation that result from this. Haapoja-Mäkelä's research (2020) has concentrated on archival materials from Ingria, an area located between the Baltic Sea and Lake Ladoga, which is now part of Russia (for folk music in Ingria, see, e.g., folklore.ee 2025). Haapoja-Mäkelä (ibid.) has also researched contemporary Finnish folk music and the role of archival female folk singers who have been silenced but have more recently been gradually highlighted.  

The artistic practice presented in this exposition can be defined as feminist folk music composing. In feminist composition, the themes of the artistic practice often arise from gendered experiences in specific socio-cultural and political contexts (Ingleton 2015). Feminist composition is also often concerned with themes of ecofeminism (Adams & Gruen 2022): the relationship between humans and nature, and the role of humans as part of nature. Thus, feminist composition can also be viewed as a reflection of posthumanist (Lummaa & Rojola 2020) and new materialist ideas (Tiainen 2012; Moisala and others 2014). It is also interesting that, according to Laušević (2007), Bulgarian singing in the United States was associated with feminism and women's empowerment, but in Bulgaria, the connection between feminism and Bulgarian singing was considered as being out of context (Peycheva 2010; Stankova 2019). Although the concept of feminist folk music composition is introduced in this exposition for the first time, my work with feminist themes builds on a long tradition of artistic projects by Finnish female folk musicians and folklore scholars – both from earlier generations and by my contemporaries – who have explored feminist and gender-related issues for decades (for more on feminism in Finnish folk music, see, e.g., Djupsjöbacka 2018). I therefore propose that feminist folk music composition, which weaves together archival folk material and personal experiences to engage with questions of gender, can be seen as a distinctive and evolving characteristic of Finnish folk music.

Themes related to women's gender, equality, corporeality, and sexuality have been explored in literature for centuries (see, e.g., Dawson 2023). In feminist literary studies, the concept of écriture féminine, women's writing, created by Hélène Cixous (1976), seeks to dismantle patriarchal, masculine modes of language use and establish a form of expression grounded in women's experiences and perspectives (see, e.g., Irigaray 1996; Kristeva 2010). Feminist folk music composition can be seen as closely aligned with écriture féminine. It foregrounds women's voices – both historically and in the present – and gives space to their emotions and lived realities. Performed and sung by women, this practice also often experiments with unconventional musical forms and structures (see, e.g., Djupsjöbacka 2018).

The album Nani was composed between 2013 and 2018, with the most active period being between 2017 and 2018. The compositions feature typical voices and techniques of Karelian, Bulgarian, and Eastern European women's folk singing. Vocal techniques, including various dissonances and ornamentation, were adopted to convey the intense emotional states expressed in the compositions, such as pain, shame, grief, and longing. The compositions and lyrics of the Nani album were constructed around the concept of multi-layered women's agency. The music is composed for female voices of different ages, and the lyrics address themes of motherhood, daughterhood, and sisterhood in the context of relationships with nature, personal experiences of violence, and reflections on folklore stories.  

Multilingualism (see, e.g., Hamidi Isacson 2022) emerged quite naturally as part of the artistic practice in the Nani album. As a child, I was exposed to both Finnish and Karelian in my neighbourhood, due to the significant migration of Karelian evacuees to my home village after World War II. My grandmother also spoke a Karelian dialect of Finnish. During my early folk music studies, I learned songs in both Finnish and Karelian. Later, while studying in Bulgaria, I trained in Bulgarian folk singing. As a result, Bulgarian, Karelian, and Finnish are the languages in which I have learned to sing and through which I have become a folk singer.

When composing the pieces for Nani, I often chose the language based on what best suited the story and the character of the melody. For instance, Bulgarian – due to its richer overtones (Stankova 2019) – works particularly well with melismatic and ornamented melodies. Finnish, by contrast, is more effective in compositions with sharper, more rhythmic phrasing. At times, practical considerations also influenced my language choice: if rehearsal time with the choir was limited, singing in Bulgarian was often easier. 

My artistic practice, feminist folk music composing, resonates with Sara Ahmed's concepts of the feminist ear and feminist listening (Ahmed 2017, 2021). Ahmed has developed these as a research methodology and institutional tactic for listening to and collecting stories about sexual harassment and violence in academia. To Ahmed, complaining is a means of making these experiences public and shouting them out. Ahmed also emphasises that feminist listening entails participation in the dismantling of these experiences of violence, rather than merely passive listening to them (Ibid.). Experiences of gendered violence, and being unheard, form the core content of Nani. I apply Ahmed's concepts in this exposition in that feminist listening includes, in this case, the complaint stories in folk poetry as well as my own experiences of violence. In this exposition, to complain is to sing out these experiences. Few narratives exist of direct sexual violence in Finnish Karelian folklore. However, it is important to note that most of these narratives are metaphorical or conveyed through indirect language. In the patriarchal stories of folklore, men are the embodiment of epic heroism and nationality, while women's agency in folklore consists of nurturing, childbirth, and sacrifice. With the #metoo debate, I began to view my own experiences as increasingly real, less lonely, and isolated, and to understand the connection between my own experiences and the structures of society, including the continuum of women's experiences throughout history.  

A pioneer of feminist pedagogy, bell hooks, who passed away in 2021, applied the concepts of counter-myths and counter-creation to the academic world from an intersectional perspective, particularly in terms of race and economic background (hooks 1994, 2003). By creating counter-narratives, it is possible to expose and change dominant structures and practices (ibid.). The music world in Europe continues to be remarkably male-dominated, regardless of musical genre, and the male gender is considered to be the norm for musicianship (Ramstedt 2022). Through applying the concept of counter-narrative by bell hooks (1994, 2003), I have attempted to strengthen women's agency in folk music. I applied the creation of counter-myths when writing the album lyrics, and I likewise applied this concept to other areas of artistic practice. Most of the musicians and performers in the music videos are women. An additional objective was to enhance the musical competence of the choir members as female folk musicians by encouraging them to improvise during the recording process, which is not typical for choir singers in Bulgaria. By contrast, improvisational skills have been highly valued in village folk music (Rice 1994). These aspects of feminist agency and artistic practice place my compositions and music videos within a continuum of historical women composers (Välimäki & Koivisto-Kaasik 2023). 

As a researcher-artist, I consider my position as being both an insider and an outsider in relation to Bulgarian music (Juvonen 2017). My long-term engagement with Bulgarian folk music is multifaceted, and my experience with Bulgarian culture, folk traditions, and Bulgarian society is highly diverse, encompassing a range of roles and participation in various power structures within the music culture. For the last 15 years, I have organised concerts and released albums with Bulgarian folk singers. I have also taught Bulgarian singing in Finland to students at the Sibelius Academy and to those Bulgarians living in Finland who are in search of their roots. In 2010, I also founded Kukuvitsa, a Helsinki-based Eastern European folk singing choir with members who are Finnish, Bulgarian, and Karelian. Nonetheless, my position as a partial outsider has been protective. For example, I managed to avoid being involved in the long-running ownership dispute over the choir's name, Le Mystère des Voix Bulgares (aka The Mystery of the Bulgarian Voices) (Silverman 2004; Stankova 2019; 24часа 2022; Bulgarian National Radio 2023), which occurred during the recording of the album and the filming of the music video trilogy. Nevertheless, advice from a lawyer from the Finnish Musicians' Union led me to conclude that an agreement on the use of the choir's name was necessary. According to the contract, I was only allowed to use the choir's name in the credits, not in the album title.  

Even though the Nani album and the music video trilogy received considerable international acclaim (Kujanpää 2024), the album can be regarded as an example of a grassroots project of European cultural cooperation. My collaboration with The Mystery of the Bulgarian Voices Vocal Academy began when the choir's conductor, Dora Hristova, suggested that I work with the new generation of the choir. Hristova was previously my professor at AMTII Plovdiv and had been the artistic producer of the album (2014) of the Finno-Balkan Voices, an ensemble formed by Finnish and Bulgarian folk singers. The music video trilogy was self-released, but the Nani album was published by Nordic Notes (Germany) and the Folk Music Department at the Sibelius Academy (on The Mystery of the Bulgarian Voices and commercialism, see, e.g., Buchanan 1996; Silverman 2004; Stankova 2019). The album recordings in Finland and Bulgaria were supported by the Arts Promotion Centre Finland, which made it possible to pay the musicians and sound engineers for their contributions. I had already been awarded mobility grants from the Finnish Cultural Foundation and the Music Creators' Fund.  

When I worked in Bulgaria, my understanding of interactional situations and my sensitivity to them were enhanced by my tacit knowledge of the field of Bulgarian folk music. For example, I am familiar with the hierarchy within the choir (Silverman 2004) and how it works in terms of practical communication. Most of the time, the role of the singer in a Bulgarian choir is to sing, while the conductor makes the decisions on the artistic content (ibid.), and I have attempted to strengthen the agency of the choir singers by asking their opinion on artistic choices. With a certain sensitivity, I have tried to show respect in subtle ways, avoiding word choices and topics of discussion that highlight power structures, especially those created by economic inequality. To this day, Bulgarian singers living in Bulgaria have little cooperation from outside Bulgaria, and the lack of networks is largely influenced by the low financial support to the Bulgarian cultural sector on a national level. There is also a lack of mental and financial support for the agency of women musicians in Bulgaria. My artistic work has focused on producing artistic content by collaborating and in as equal a dialogue as possible with the working group, while being aware that the Nani is a solo project for which I am responsible in my role as the artistic leader. Nevertheless, in my role as a researcher with tacit knowledge and understanding of micro and macro contexts in the Bulgarian music field, I posed questions in the ethnographic interviews regarding issues such as economic inequality and women's agency in the field of Bulgarian folk music. Furthermore, it is important to note that the purpose of this exposition is to highlight the factors that perpetuate the unequal status of women musicians within the European Union, rather than to construct a narrative of victimhood. In some previous studies, Bulgarian women folk singers have been rather strongly perceived as victims of either socialism or capitalism (Buchanan 1995, 1996; Silverman 2004). Even so, their own voices have been more prominently featured in the most recent research (Stankova 2019). 

Working as an artist at the intersection of diverse cultural traditions has been a process of reflection and problem-solving on issues of power relations and cultural appropriation. Toward this end, the studies by Hill (2005, 2007) and Haapoja-Mäkelä (2020) have been important in developing my understanding of the concept of cultural appropriation in folk music and in identifying the power structures involved when working at the intersection of different cultural traditions from Bulgaria, Finland, and Karelia. To unravel the themes related to cultural appropriation and to identify the power relationship between different cultures, it was crucial to identify accurate sources in the context of the music and to report the origin of the songs while performing. I argue that a growing understanding is part of the process of dismantling power hierarchies. It is important to mention that this exposition does not address the clothing depicted in the music videos, which combine traditional national clothes from various countries with contemporary fashion. Another concept adopted in this exposition is the traditional concept of a women's choir, and in relation to this, the exposition does not engage with the current and important discussions related to the gender norms within choirs (Harju 2023).   

The music video trilogy is connected by a crown of birds, designed and made by film director Vilma Metteri. The Bird Crown is crafted from intricately crocheted lace, beads, and cardboard, and is surrounded by five birds and four eggs. The Bird Crown serves as a unifying theme throughout the music video trilogy, symbolising the transgenerational embodiment and agency of women in the context of recent social crises, the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. I argue that the Bird Crown is in a state of constant change and processualism (Tiainen 2012; Moisala and others 2014), a process of becoming a Goddess.